John Singleton with Bob HowardRip Van Australia (Stanmore: Cassell Australia, 1977), pp. 267-73, under the heading “Welfare”.

Of all the ideas that have gained popular acceptance in this day and age, all over the world, there is none more deeply entrenched or endowed with greater respectability than that of government welfare. Any person who is so bold as to criticise the fundamental idea of it is immediately branded as a cruel, heartless, inhumane person with no social conscience whatsoever. And, as the welfare States of the world follow one another like lemmings into the sea of economic stagnation and decline, social disintegration and political totalitarianism, this fundamental premise remains, secure and safe, deep at the bottom of the well-intentioned, generous and deadly hearts of unthinking people.

What do you think would happen if you ran a company on the same basis as governments run their welfare States? What would happen if you ran any company on the basis of “from each according to their ability, to each according to their need?”1 What would happen if you paid everyone the same wage, from cleaner to managing director? What would happen if you paid wages regardless of whether or not your employees worked, or regardless of how much they produced, or the quality of their production?

It doesn’t take much imagination to see that very soon your humanitarian experiment would have some most anti-humanitarian results: your staff would lose their self-respect, and the best whingers and whiners would get the most: the proud independent workers would get the least — and such people are usually the best workers; your factory production would drop alarmingly, as would its quality, for few would care about it — there would be no incentive to care and eventually all your staff would lose their jobs as the company went bankrupt.

A country is just like a large, complex company, and the Welfare State, in the name of humanitarianism, will have the same inevitable anti-humanitarian results.

The Federal Government budgeted to spend, for the year 1976-77, $6,187,100,000 on Social Security and Welfare, $2,908,700,000 on Health, $567,900,000 on Housing, $223,600,000 on Labour and Employment Services and $2,204,000,000 on Education. Most of this can be classed as welfare — the main possible exception being some of education spending. This adds up to a massive total of $12,091,300,000 — or just under 50 per cent of the total estimated Federal Government expenditure. It is 74 per cent of the total “General Public Service” expenditure of the government. If education is not included, it amounts to just over 40 per cent of the total Federal Government estimated outlays for 1976-77. For the year 1975-76, government cash benefits to persons accounted for $6,333,000,000, or 10 per cent of all household income.

These figures quoted for Federal Government expenditures do not, of course, include State and local Government expenses, which would add about one-third as much again to the total figures.

What do these figures represent? For a start, where does the money come from? Only from taxation and inflation (the creation of money by the government). Three things can be said about this: (1) it provides a negative incentive for all people to work and produce; (2) it creates welfare recipients because of its economic consequences — it contributes to unemployment, poverty, economic stagnation and high prices for example; and (3) the burden of taxation and inflation falls most heavily on precisely those people that the welfare is supposed to help — on the underprivileged, the old, the sick, the handicapped and the unemployed — because taxation reduces wages and raises prices (especially indirect taxes, which double the price of most commodities) and inflation erodes savings and the purchasing power of everyone’s money. We see once again an example of our governments making work for themselves by seeking to solve with one hand the problems they create with the other.

This tendency becomes even more obvious when you consider the number of welfare recipients that are created by compulsory retirement rules, prohibitions on young people working, wage legislation and the generally destructive effects of most, if not all, economic regulations. As we have seen elsewhere, unemployment could not realistically be a problem on a free market, inflation would be eliminated, and taxation, would at least and at last be dramatically reduced. The tendency of the market competition to produce the best quality products at the lower possible prices would further benefit those who currently depend on government handouts.

Even way back in the Industrial Revolution government activity was one of the greatest impediments to improving the lot of poor people. Everyone has heard of the pre-revolution’s terrible housing conditions, the small, airless houses. But few know that the government of the day had imposed a tax on windows, bricks and tiles, and tariffs on imported building materials.2

The same lessons are to be found in Governor Bradford’s famous history of the Pilgrim Father’s communistic experiment in the Plymouth Bay Colony. The colony was very poor, and the people took to stealing from each other. “So it well appeard,” Governor Bradford wrote, “that famine must still insue the next year also, if not some way prevented.”

[Thus the colonists] begane to thinke how they might raise as much corne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope than they had done, that they might not still languish in miserie. At length [in 1623] after much debate of things, the Gov. (with the advice of the chiefest amongest them) gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves … and so assigned to every family a parcell of land … This had very good success: for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was planted than other waise would have bene by any means the Gov. or any other could use, and saved him a great deal of trouble, and gave farr better contente.

The women now wente willingly to the field, and tooke their little-ons with them to set corne which before would aledg weakness and inabilitie, whom to have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.

The experience that was had in this commone cause and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos and other ancients, applauded by some later times; — that the taking away of propertie, and bringing in communitie into a commone wealth, would make them happy and florishing, as if they were wiser than God. For this communitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard much imployment that would have been to their benefite and comforte.

For the young men that were most able and fitte for labour and service did repine that they should spend their time and streingth to worke for other mens wives and children without any recompense. The strong, or man of parts, had no more devission of victails and cloaths, than he that was weake and not able to doe quarter the other could, this was thought injustice …

And for men’s wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dressing their meate, washing their clothes, etc., they deemed it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands will brooke it …

By the time harvest was come, and instead of famine, now God gave them plentie, and the face of things was changed, to the rejoysing of the harts of many for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particular [private] planting was well seene, for all had, one way and other, pretty well to bring the year aboute, and some of the abler sorte and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them to this day.3

A more eloquent demonstration of the function of incentive in improving the general welfare would be hard to find.

In the U.S.A. the number of individuals receiving Aid to Families with Dependent Children (A.F.D.C.) rose 33 per cent, or from 8.3 million to 11 million individuals, in the period from 1970 to 1973. In New York City, the number of welfare recipients grew from 328,000 in 1960 to 1,275,000 in 1972. No wonder New York is bankrupt today. More than 10 per cent of the residents of the twenty largest cities in the U.S.A. were on welfare by 1973. Over the whole country, welfare recipients grew from 6,052,000 in 1950 to 15,069,000 in 1972.4

The efficiency of government in administering welfare can be seen in figures quoted elsewhere, for example, Aborigines in Australia (see Aborigines). A U.S. example in San Diego’s programme for Dependent Children of the Court, which in 1973 spent $944,532 on administration and $372,384 for the actual support of and care for the children.5 The welfare State destroyed the old Roman Empire and is now destroying Sri Lanka, Great Britain, Uruguay, New York and even its mecca, Sweden.

Sweden suffers from serious housing shortages, among the highest rents in Europe, overcrowded and overstaffed hospitals, shortages of doctors and nurses, scarcity of homes for the retired and disabled, plummeting educational standards, rising crime rates, the worst alcoholism and drug abuse problems in Europe, serious industrial problems resulting in frequent strikes, rising unemployment, inflation, and absolutely massive tax burdens.6

It is our argument that these consequences are caused by government interference in the economy and such grandiose schemes as the Welfare State. The idea of welfare as we have said, is immensely respectable. But it has to be pointed out nevertheless that we are suffering under a sad delusion of we believe it actually helps people the way it is handled by States.

The Australian Henderson Committee Report on Poverty admitted that even with all our welfare spending, the major source of welfare assistance today for people in need is the networks of family, friends and neighbours. It also emphasised the role of private welfare agencies, which it saw as offering more choice, flexibility, and individual consideration in their services. The low efficiency of Aboriginal welfare expenditure led the Henderson Committee to comment: “As happens so often in other spheres of activity, Australia is following the trend in the U.S.A. and poverty is becoming professionalised and bureaucratised. In the process it is becoming a lucrative business — for professional welfare workers, administrators, researchers and consultants.”

In their efforts to help people avail themselves of their “right” to welfare, some government agencies even employ people to go into the communities to tell people what they are eligible for, and to encourage them to apply for it. In this regard, our situation in Australia is getting to be a bit like the U.S.A., where no one seems to know precisely how many programmes there are. In 1971, the U.S.A. spent $171 billion on welfare.

In 1969, a Democratic Congresswoman, Mrs Edith Green, asked the Library of Congress to compile the total amount of funds a family could receive from the Federal Government if the family took advantage of all the assistance that was available. They found that a hypothetical family of mother and four children — one in elementary school, one in high school and one in college — was eligible for a total of $11,503 a year in benefits and services. In 1969, a hypothetical family of eight children could collect $21,093 a year.7 In 1969! Without doing one minute’s work. Who’d bother?

Consideration of these sort of benefits brings us to the most psychologically destructive element of welfare — its effect on incentive. The taxation and inflation necessary to pay for it decrease the incentives to work, produce and be independent. Simultaneously the benefits available from welfare increase the incentives to do nothing. It is no accident that the numbers of people dependent on welfare continue to grow every year.

Welfare recipients are always used as political footballs as rival parties attempt to buy their votes, but taxation and inflation always kill any gains they make, and more.

We must seriously ask ourselves whether, for all our good intentions, we might be actually doing more harm than good with government welfare. The Chinese have an old proverb which says, “Give a man a fish, and he’ll eat well today. Teach him how to fish and he’ll eat well for the rest of his life.”

Welfare (while we have it at all) should aim at helping people to help themselves. To do this welfare cannot be guaranteed because if it is, people will depend upon it and plan for it. Furthermore, it should only provide temporary assistance and that at a level of bare necessity. Any more than that attracts people to stay on welfare. And most importantly, welfare must never be allowed in any way to act as a brake on production, for we must first produce that which is distributed.

What alternatives are there to current welfare systems? The first thing to be said is that while we must accept the fact that there will always be some people who will need welfare, we can affect how many there will be. Our welfare system can be either structured so as to tend to maximise the number (as it is now) or so as to minimise the numbers (as it should be). To minimise the number we must remove the guarantees of assistance.

No one has a right to welfare, because all welfare is paid for by other people. To admit such a right would, to that extent, turn those who pay it into slaves.

The next thing to do is to remove all those laws which prohibit people currently on welfare from becoming independent: for example, wage level laws and prohibitions on young and old people working. Many old, young and handicapped people could get work if employers were allowed to pay them in accordance with their (probable) low productivity. Even if the wage was not enough to ensure complete independence, it would take some load off the welfare agencies, and also do a lot for the wage earners’ self-respect.

If we could greatly reduce taxation and eliminate inflation by reducing government spending, and de-regulate the economy, the resulting economic boom would raise the standard of living of all, thus greatly increasing the money available for welfare and at the same time decreasing the need for it. Reduced prices, for example, that resulted from it would be a relief for pensioners and the poor.

Insurance schemes could cater for the possibilities of children being born permanently handicapped (local G.P.s could act as agents selling this insurance) or for accidents, sickness, and other medical problems.

The sense of community that would develop in a free society would further enhance what the Henderson Report called the network of family, friends and neighbours. Finally, private agencies, such as the Smith Family, St Vincent de Paul, the Autistic Childrens Association, Royal Blind Society and the ideal example, the Wayside Chapel, could continue to do their very fine work.

Private welfare can cater for our needs if it is given an opportunity. Government welfare, well-intentioned though it may be, will kill our economy, continue to be abused by politicians, and foster social breakdown by killing independence, self-respect, and basic human decency.

All the incentives in a government welfare State are the wrong way round, thus resulting in a progressively smaller economic cake to be shared among an increasing number of demanding mouths. If this, as it inevitably will, bankrupts our society, how will that help the old, the sick, the poor and under-privileged? It won’t.

And that in the end is the stupidity and absolute futility of government welfare.


  1. For a chilling portrayal of the results of this see Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged, Random House, New York, N.Y., 1957, pp. 661-672.
  2. See T.S. Ashton, “Treatment of Capitalism by Historians” in F.A. Hayek, Capitalism and the Historians. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Ill., 1954, p. 50.
  3. Quoted by Henry Hazlitt in Cliches of Socialism, Foundation for Economic Education, New York, N.Y., 1970, PP. 173-175. For the full story of the Plymouth Settlement see William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647, The Modern Library, New York, N.Y., 1952. The above quote appears on pp. 120-132 in this book.
  4. Henry Hazlitt, The Conquest of Poverty, Arlington House, New Rochelle, N.Y., 1973. Figures quoted in Susan Love Brown, et al. The Incredible Bread Machine, World Research Inc., Campus Studies Institute Division, San Diego, Calif., 1974, p. 108.
  5. C. Tudor (ed.), The Prolific Government, World Research Inc., San Diego, Calif., 1973, pp. 126-127. Quoted in Susan Love Brown, et al, Op cit, p. 109.
  6. Figures quoted in Susan Love Brown, et al, Op cit, pp. 106-107.
  7. Human Events, 13 December, 1969. Quoted in Henry Hazlitt, The Conquest of Poverty, Arlington House, New Rochelle, N.Y., 1973, p. 98.
(in order of appearance on
  1. Governments Consume Wealth — They Don't Create It
  2. Singo and Howard Propose Privatising Bondi Beach
  3. Singo and Howard Speak Out Against the Crackpot Realism of the CIS and IPA
  4. Singo and Howard on Compromise
  5. Singo and Howard on Monopolies
  6. Singo and Howard Support Sydney Harbour Bridge Restructure
  7. Singo and Howard on Striking at the Root, and the Failure of Howard, the CIS and the IPA
  8. Singo and Howard Explain Why Australia is Not a Capitalist Country
  9. Singo and Howard Call Democracy Tyrannical
  10. Singo and Howard on Drugs!
  11. Simpleton sells his poll philosophy
  12. Singo and Howard Decry Australia Day
  13. Singo and Howard Endorse the Workers Party
  14. Singo and Howard Oppose the Liberal Party
  15. Singo and Howard Admit that Liberals Advocate and Commit Crime
  16. Up the Workers! Bob Howard's 1979 Workers Party Reflection in Playboy
  17. John Whiting's Inaugural Workers Party Presidential Address
  18. John Singleton and Bob Howard 1975 Monday Conference TV Interview on the Workers Party
  19. Singo and Howard on Aborigines
  20. Singo and Howard on Conservatism
  21. Singo and Howard on the Labor Party
  22. Singo, Howard and Hancock Want to Secede
  23. John Singleton changes his name
  24. Lang Hancock's Foreword to Rip Van Australia
  25. New party will not tolerate bludgers: Radical party against welfare state
  26. Singo and Howard introduce Rip Van Australia
  27. Singo and Howard on Knee-Jerks
  28. Singo and Howard on Tax Hunts (Lobbying)
  29. Singo and Howard on Rights
  30. Singo and Howard on Crime
  31. Singo and Howard on Justice
  32. Singo and Howard on Unemployment
  33. John Singleton on 1972 cigarette legislation
  34. Singo and Howard: Gambling Should Neither Be Illegal Nor Taxed
  35. Holed up, hold-up and holdout
  36. The libertarian alternative vs the socialist status quo
  37. Workers Party Platform
  38. Singo and Howard Join Forces to Dismantle Welfare State
  39. Singo and Howard on Business
  40. Singo and Howard on Discrimination
  41. Singo and Howard on the Greens
  42. Singo and Howard on Xenophobia
  43. Singo and Howard on Murdoch, Packer and Monopolistic Media
  44. Singo and Howard Explain that Pure Capitalism Solves Pollution
  45. Singo and Howard Defend Miners Against Government
  46. Singo and Howard on Bureaucracy
  47. Singo and Howard on Corporate Capitalism
  48. The last words of Charles Russell
  49. Ted Noffs' Preface to Rip Van Australia
  50. Right-wing anarchists revamping libertarian ideology
  51. Giving a chukka to the Workers Party
  52. Govt "villain" in eyes of new party
  53. "A beautiful time to be starting a new party": Rand fans believe in every man for himself
  54. Introducing the new Workers' Party
  55. Paul Rackemann 1980 Progress Party Election Speech
  56. Lang Hancock 1978 George Negus Interview
  57. Voices of frustration
  58. Policies of Workers Party
  59. Party Promises to Abolish Tax
  60. AAA Tow Truck Co.
  61. Singo and Howard on Context
  62. Singo and Howard Blame Roosevelt for Pearl Harbour
  63. Singo and Howard on Apathy
  64. Workers Party is "not just a funny flash in the pan"
  65. Singo and Howard on Decency
  66. John Singleton in 1971 on the 2010 Federal Election
  67. Matthew, Mark, Luke & John Pty. Ltd. Advertising Agents
  68. Viv Forbes Wins 1986 Adam Smith Award
  69. The writing of the Workers Party platform and the differences between the 1975 Australian and American libertarian movements
  70. Who's Who in the Workers Party
  71. Bob Howard interviewed by Merilyn Giesekam on the Workers Party
  72. A Farewell to Armchair Critics
  73. Sukrit Sabhlok interviews Mark Tier
  74. David Russell Leads 1975 Workers Party Queensland Senate Team
  75. David Russell Workers Party Policy Speech on Brisbane TV
  76. Bludgers need not apply
  77. New party formed "to slash controls"
  78. The Workers Party
  79. Malcolm Turnbull says "the Workers party is a force to be reckoned with"
  80. The great consumer protection trick
  81. The "Workers" speak out
  82. How the whores pretend to be nuns
  83. The Workers Party is a Political Party
  84. Shit State Subsidised Socialist Schooling Should Cease Says Singo
  85. My Journey to Anarchy:
    From political and economic agnostic to anarchocapitalist
  86. Workers Party Reunion Intro
  87. Singo and Howard on Freedom from Government and Other Criminals
  88. Singo and Howard on Young People
  89. Singo and Howard Expose how Government Healthcare Controls Legislate Doctors into Slavery
  90. Singo and Howard Engage with Homosexuality
  91. Singo and Howard Demand Repeal of Libel and Slander Laws
  92. Singo and Howard on Consumer Protection
  93. Singo and Howard on Consistency
  94. Workers Party is born as foe of government
  95. Political branch formed
  96. Government seen by new party as evil
  97. Singo and Howard on Non-Interference
  98. Singo and Howard on Women's Lib
  99. Singo and Howard on Licences
  100. Singo and Howard on Gun Control
  101. Singo and Howard on Human Nature
  102. Singo and Howard on Voting
  103. Singo and Howard on
    Inherited Wealth
  104. Singo and Howard on Education
  105. Singo and Howard on Qualifications
  106. Ron Manners on the Workers Party
  107. Singo and Howard Hate Politicians
  108. Undeserved handouts make Australia the lucky country
  109. A happy story about Aborigines
  110. John Singleton on Political Advertising
  111. Richard Hall, Mike Stanton and Judith James on the Workers Party
  112. Singo Incites Civil Disobedience
  113. How John Singleton Would Make Tony Abbott Prime Minister
  114. The Discipline of Necessity
  115. John Singleton on the first election the Workers Party contested
  116. Libertarians: Radicals on the right
  117. The Bulletin on Maxwell Newton as Workers Party national spokesman on economics and politics
  118. Singo and Howard: Australia Should Pull Out of the Olympics
  119. Singo and Howard Like Foreign Investment
  120. Mark Tier corrects Nation Review on the Workers Party
  121. The impossible dream
  122. Why can't I get away with it?
  123. The bold and boring Lib/Lab shuffle
  124. Time for progress
  125. The loonie right implodes
  126. Max Newton: Maverick in Exile
  127. John Singleton on refusing to do business with criminals and economic illiterates
  128. Censorship should be banned
  129. "Listen, mate, a socialist is a bum"
  130. John Singleton on Advertising
  131. John Singleton on why he did the Hawke re-election campaign
  132. Sinclair Hill calls for dropping a neutron bomb on Canberra
  133. Bob Howard in Reason 1974-77
  134. John Singleton defends ockerism
  135. Singo and Howard talk Civil Disobedience
  136. The Census Con
  137. Singo and Howard Oppose Australian Participation in the Vietnam War
  138. Did John Singleton oppose the mining industry and privatising healthcare in 1990?
  139. Bob Carr in 1981 on John Singleton's political bent
  140. John Singleton-Ita Buttrose interview (1977)
  141. John Singleton on elections: "a Massive One-Day Sale!"
  142. John Hyde's Progress Party praise
  143. King Leonard of Hutt River Declares Defensive Just War Against Australia the Aggressor
  144. Singo says Lang Hancock violated Australia's 11th commandment: Thou Shalt Not Succeed
  145. Singleton: the White Knight of Ockerdom
  146. John Singleton bites into Sinclair Hill's beef
  147. Save Parramatta Road
  148. 1979 news item on new TV show John Singleton With a Lot of Help From His Friends
  149. Smoking, Health and Freedom
  150. Singo and Howard on Unions
  151. Singo and Howard Smash the State
  152. Singo and Howard on the big issue of Daylight Saving
  153. Come back Bob - It was all in fun!
  154. A few "chukkas" in the Senate for polo ace?
  155. Country Rejuvenation - Towards a Better Future
  156. Singo and Howard on Profits, Super Profits and Natural Disasters
  157. John Singleton's 1977 pitch that he be on a committee of one to run the Sydney 1988 Olympics for profit
  158. Thoughts on Land Ownership
  159. 1975 Max Newton-Ash Long interview on the Workers Party
  160. The Electoral Act should allow voters to choose "none of the above"
  161. The great Labor Party platform: first or last, everybody wins a prize
  162. The politics of marketing - laugh now, pay later
  163. Singo and Howard call Australia fascist and worse
  164. The mouse will roar
  165. Viv Forbes and Jim Fryar vs Malcolm Fraser in 1979
  166. Quip, Quote, Rant and Rave: four of Viv Forbes' letters to the editor in The Australian in 1979
  167. Australia's First Official Political Party Poet Laureate: The Progress Party's Ken Hood in 1979
  168. Hancock's playing very hard to get
  169. Harry M. Miller and The Australian disgrace themselves
  170. Ocker ad genius takes punt on art
  171. John Singleton 1976 ocker Monday Conference Max Harris debate
  172. John Singleton mocks university students on civil liberties and freedom of choice in 1971
  173. Murray Rothbard championed on Australian television in 1974 (pre-Workers Party!) by Maureen Nathan
  174. John Singleton profile in 1977 Australian MEN Vogue
  175. I think that I shall never see a telegraph pole as lovely as a tree
  176. Ralph Nader vs John Singleton on Consumer Protection
  177. John Singleton's first two "Think" columns in Newspaper News, 1969
  178. Singo and Howard on Ballet
  179. Product innovation comes first
  180. Protect who from a 'mindless' wife?
  181. A party is born
  182. Tiny Workers' Party gives us a hint
  183. John Singleton on the ad industry, consumerism and innovation
  184. Workers Party Economic Policy Statement, December 1975
  185. Lang Hancock on the Workers Party, secession and States Rights
  186. John Singleton and Howard on Government Largesse
  187. Counterculture must exclude government handouts
  188. John Singleton's 1974 Federal Liberal Election Campaign Ads
  189. John Singleton believes in the Workers Party
  190. Write-up of John Singleton's 1978 speech to the Australian Liberal Students Association
  191. Singo in 1987: "Joh doesn't go far enough ... I want absolute deregulation of the economy"
  192. Maxwell Newton chapter of Clyde Packer's No Return Ticket (1984)
  193. Singo and Howard on Totalitarian Socialism and Voluntary Socialism
  194. Rip Van Australia on Ripoff Vandals Taxing Australia
  195. Singo and Howard beg for tolerance
  196. John Singleton's 1985 advertising comeback
  197. Singo and Howard Demand End to Public Transport
  198. John Singleton and Howard on Fred Nile, Festival of Light, FamilyVoice Australia and the Christian Lobby
  199. Capitalism: Survival of the Fittest
  200. Return Australia Post to Sender
  201. Singo and Howard on Public Utilities
  202. John Singleton and Howard say monarchy should be funded by monarchists alone
  203. John Singleton on cigarette advertising
  204. Singo in 1972 on newspapers' demise
  205. John Singleton farewells Bryce Courtenay
  206. John Singleton on Australian political advertising in 1972
  207. Gortlam rides again
  208. Announcement that Lang Hancock will be guest of honour at the Workers Party launch
  209. John Singleton on trading stamps, idiot housewives and government
  210. 1975 John Singleton-Sir Robert Askin Quadrant Interview
  211. Singo asks two prickly questions
  213. Why John Singleton can't keep a straight face
  214. Why John Singleton Defends Smokers Rights
  215. Tony Dear on Paul Krutulis, the Workers Party and murder
  216. An Ode to Busybodies
  217. Progress Party and Workers Party lead The Australian
  218. How many tits in a tangle?
  219. Viv Forbes in 1978 on loss-making government, the Berlin Wall and misdirected blasts of hot-air
  220. John Singleton wants the Post Office sold and anti-discrimination legislation scrapped
  221. A speech from the Titanic
  222. A crime must have a victim
  223. John Singleton vs Australia Post
  224. Minimum wages the killer
  225. Has Fraser got his priorities all wrong?
  226. John Singleton says "the royal family should be flogged off to the U.S."
  227. John Singleton vs Don Chipp and the Australian Democrats
  228. John Singleton vs Don Lane
  229. John Singleton. Horseracing. Why?
  230. John Singleton's 1986 reflection on the Workers Party
  231. Bob Howard in 1978 on libertarianism in Australia
  232. John Singleton on the stupidity of anti-discrimination laws
  233. Thou shalt know the facts ... before thou shoot off thou mouth
  234. Charity: An Aesop Fable
  235. Bob Howard announces the Workers Party in freeEnterprise
  236. New improved moon
  237. Announcing people ... YES, people!
  238. Creativity in advertising must be pointed dead on target
  239. John Singleton on barriers to, and opportunities for, effective communication
  240. Wayne Garland on John Singleton on Advertising
  241. John Singleton schools ad course
  242. John Singleton: advertising awards
  243. Mr Singleton Goes to Canberra for Australian Playboy
  244. John Singleton on his TV career for Australian Playboy
  245. John Singleton sacked for telling the truth about Medicare
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