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David Barnett, The Bulletin, July 12, 1988, pp. 32-35.

David Barnett analyses Australia’s intellectual right and tells how the Hawke government has hijacked many of its ideas.

The intellectual resurgence of the Right as it developed in Australia since the defeat of the Fraser government and in Britain and the US under the Thatcher and Reagan administrations, respectively, has been a godsend to the Hawke government.

Prime Minister Bob Hawke, Treasurer Paul Keating and the ministry conjured up a political bogeyman out of the New Right.

They used the tactic in parliament, so effectively that advisers urged Opposition leader John Howard to avoid being identified with the intellectual forces which had carried him to the leadership of the Liberal party.

That uncertainty in the Opposition parties about their directions and the difficulties which developed in the formulation of policy were crucial to the Australian Labor Party’s re-election strategy last year.

The Opposition parties did provide most of their own mess. They produced a rogue premier (Sir Johannes Bjelke-Petersen) bent on a conservative Gotterdammerung, and the White Shoe Brigade on the Gold Coast. Leading figures in the business and rural community, such as Ian McLachlan of the National Farmers’ Federation, Andrew Hay of the Australian Chamber of Commerce and then-Liberal Party treasurer John Elliott seemed at times to have their own political ambitions uppermost in their minds.

They produced public divisions within the Liberal Party between the Wets — representing traditional Liberal practice of identifying concerns within the community and taking them up — and the Dries who argued for a new ideological free-market framework admitting of no compromise with Marxist concepts of national economic planning.

Bjelke-Petersen had been a New Right role model. He took on a union in an essential service and beat it, transforming the operations of the South-East Queensland Electricity Board. So was NFF president McLachlan who took on a union in the Northern Territory’s Midginberri Abattoir dispute and beat it. Hay was one of those figures who provided support in the Dollar Sweets dispute in Melbourne when another left-wing union was beaten. The government did not have to do much else other than to seize the opportunity which came along about the middle of last year as the mess was boiled up.

The strategy was simple: seek to create in the public mind an image of the New Right as a grab-bag of every anti-Labor organisation in the country; identify what was essentially an intellectual reassessment of directions by politicians and academics with such shadowy organisations as the League of Rights, which has no national respresentations in Canberra but which troubles the National Party in rural NSW and Queensland and which seems to have an anti-Semitic tinge.

With the elections safely out of the way, Keating produced his master-stroke. He balanced the budget. Only National Party leader Ian Sinclair had spoken during the campaign about a balanced budget and said it almost incidentally, letting the issue rest, so nobody noticed.

Yet fiscal restraint was the cornerstone of the economic advice which the Intellectual Right was producing. Its spokesman had put deficit financing on trial, amassed the evidence in terms of rising inflation, rising interest rates, galloping debt and chronic unemployment — and reached a verdict of guilty.

Keating had contemplated announcing during the campaign that he would bring down a balanced budget a month later, after the elections, and decided against it. But, once the elections were over, he moved rapidly to execute the sentence on 30 years of budget deficits.

The government had damned the Liberal and National coalition for being “New Right” and then pinched its agenda. The May 25 economic statement took the process a gigantic step further. The Hawke government is committed to the progressive reduction of tariff protection, a process which must work primarily to bear down on wages.

It reduced company tax by 10 percent and must bring income tax down to the same level in due course. It has shifted the burden of taxation further down the scale which is a user pays principle of government services which the Right had not dared articulate.

It will make students pay for their education. Members of the government, such as Industry Minister John Button, would like to see the uranium industry expanded. It even wants to sell of government enterprises, such as Australian Airlines and Qantas.

Finance Minister Peter Walsh produced an interesting pure New Right argument recalling the protracted British coal strike of 1984 which, he said, had taken Britain to the brink of civil war. If the mines had not been nationalised, if they had remained in private ownership or been “privatised”, uneconomic mines would have been closed as their profitability declined.

It would not then have been necessary for the Thatcher government to have taken the decision to close uneconomic pits and there would have been no national strike.

The enormous political irony of the New Right phenomenon is the way in which the government used it as a spectre to scare the electorate and then, with its own policy-making institutions failing to produce the recipes for the times, has used the prescriptions of the Intellectual Right to tackle the economic problems facing the country. It has left the Opposition with very little to say.

Unspectacular but influential

Bert Kelly, CMG, did not have a spectacular parliamentary career. Elected to the South Australian rural seat of Wakefield in 1958, he made it into ministry in 1967 with Works. Then followed Navy, in 1968 and 1969, until he fell victim to one of the Royal Australian Navy’s many fine traditions. “After each collision, they get a new minister,” he told us at his valedictory dinner.

So he plodded on in parliament until 1977, then retired. Quite nondescript but one of the main political influences in Australian history. For Bert Kelly had a bee in his bonnet. He was, throughout his political career, a free trader and he remains one, as he reaffirmed when some 350 of Australia’s most distinguished citizens turned up in the great hall of the Victorian Arts Centre to pay their tributes. The invitations had gone out from Sir James Balderstone, Sir James Foots, Sir Arvi Parbo and John Ralph.

Sir Samuel Burston was there and so, too, were Sir Rupert Clarke, Sir Ian McLennan, Sir Eric Neal, Sir Bruce Watson, Sir Harold Young and a whole host of others: industrialists such as Brian Loton, professors such as Michael Porter and Fred Gruen, politicians past and present including Jim Carlton and John Hyde. Senator John Stone, would could not make it, paid tribute in his telegram to Kelly’s “gigantic contribution to public life”. Said Stone: “Your career has been and will remain an example to everyone who believes in the power of ideas.

When Kelly got home after being sacked, he started writing a column over the nom de plume if a “Modest Member of Parliament”. Between November 26, 1969, and May 25, 1987, he wrote 898 of them. Some might suggest that he never got far from one central theme, the virtues of free trade and the deleterious effects of tariffs and other forms of industry support. Never mind, the columns always had a freshness. Nobody else was saying this sort of thing in those days.

In the early ’60s, Kelly had sought an active role. He had, for instance, been a member of the Basic Industries Group which questioned the protectionist course on which Country Party leader Jack McEwen was taking the government. But it was as a voice and as a symbol, The Modest Member, that Kelly exerted his influence. One important follower was John Hyde, for whom Kelly was a prophet-like figure.

Kelly wrote whimsically in the form of a dialogue with his wife “Mavis” (Mrs Kelly’s name is Lorna) and one “Eccles” who put the arguments of an academic collaborator. Kelly portrayed Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser in one of his columns as King Canute — implementing protectionist measures on behalf of the textile, clothing and footwear industries and vainly ordering the tide of employment in the industry not to go out (as it did, from 162,200 to 116,400 over five years).

Hyde was more of an activist, becoming the focus of a group of back-benchers which included Carlton, Murray Sainsbury and Peter Shack. They would meet in Carlton’s room for tea because the sun came in during the morning and late at night drop in on another youthful kindred spirit, John Howard, who was Treasurer. Hyde and Carlton formed “Crossroads”, a discussion group, holding seminars once or twice a year in the early 1980s. In 1982, Hyde’s ever-growing backbench group dissented strongly from the guarantee which Fraser gave motor manufacturers of 80 percent of the domestic market. Their statement of dissent was signed by 34 backbenchers and Hyde believes that, had he added his name, Andrew Peacock would have won his 1982 challenge to Fraser. In setting up the Campbell committee to survey the Australian financial system, Howard guaranteed the result by choosing his personnel carefully. When they duly delivered their uncompromising free enterprise report, Howard manipulated its release to ensure it was not strangled at birth by a prime minister who regarded the whole thing with distaste.

Open revolt flared again during preparations for the 1982-83 budget, which Hyde considered irresponsible and which he publicly condemned. Although he strongly advised Howard not to resign, Hyde still agonises over whether his advice was correct. The coalition went out of office in 1983 and Hyde lost his seat. He set up the Australian Institute for Public Policy in Perth, one of the radical conservative think-tanks which flourish also in Sydney and Melbourne.

There is argument in both the Liberal and National parties about means but little disagreement nowadays about ends. They are those proclaimed for more than 20 years by Kelly. The Labor government continues to argue about ends but has given formal notice of the end of the two-airline agreement, taken first steps towards dismantling protection for the car industry and adopted the main recommendations of the Campbell committee — freeing the currency, removing exchange controls and deregulating interest rates. Nor does it stop there. Just as much as the valedictory dinner, the government’s structural adjustment committee of cabinet is a tribute to the Modest Member.

Kelly did not talk about microeconomics, which is a term only recently arrived in political usage, but that is what his columns were about: the effect on economic health of decisions on labour costs, industry protection, tariff levels and bounties. The government — having discovered that the big decisions on expenditure, interest rates and the value of the currency can take you only so far — looked hard at tariffs and at industry protection through the committee as part of its preparation for the May 25 mini-budget.

For the past century, the Left has had a dominating role in the intellectual life of European societies and drawn the middle class into the Marxist parties across the spectrum from communist to socialist, social democrat and Labor. In the ’50s — when Hawke and Fraser were students — the Right had Professor Karl Popper, author of The Open Society and Its Enemies, and Professor Friedrich Hayek who wrote The Road to Serfdom. The quality might have been there, but the quantity was not. In the ’70s, when Fraser took office, the intellectual climate was little changed. Professor Milton Friedman’s Free to Choose had appeared. In the aftermath of the defeat of the Fraser government and as part of the soul-searching and breast-beating that followed the change was dramatic, the vehicle being the think-tank which is the over-simplified term for a group of academics operating either within or outside of a university and relying on endowments or subscriptions to finance the systematic examination of contemporary issues. They transformed the intellectual climate, as the Fabians once did for the Left. The ideas which they are throwing up provide an intellectual content for the conservative parties which have removed Kelly from his solitary role as eccentric free-trader. They have seeped into the Labor Party, reversing a flow which continued in Australia until 1982 when the McMahon coalition government adopted social welfare measures that added to the inflation of the ’70s.

Who’s who on the Intellectual Right

Following is a quick guide to the think-tanks of the Intellectual Right:

  • The Australian Institute for Public Policy: Perth-based and directed by former federal parliamentarian John Hyde. Financed by subscription from firms and individuals. The AIPP publishes monographs dealing with issues such as industrial relations, education, welfare. The chairman is Bill Clough, of Clough Engineering.
  • The Institute of Public Affairs: Melbourne-based and the original surviving think-tank, dating back to 1943. The founding chairman was Sir George Coles and the founding director was Charles Kemp. The IPA is credited with generating many of the policies adopted by Robert Menzies when he founded the Liberal Party after World War II.

Today’s chairman is Charles Goode and its director is Kemp’s son Rod, a former staff officer of Fraser Finance minister Senator Dame Margaret Guilfoyle.

The IPA publishes a quarterly magazine as well as papers and monographs. A former deputy secretary of the federal Treasury, Des Moore, heads its economic policy unit. A former head of the Western Australian treasury, Les McCarry, is head of the IPA states’ policy unit in Perth and Dame Leonie Kramer is setting up an IPA education policy unit in Sydney. It is financed by subscription.

  • The Institute of Public Affairs (NSW): also founded in 1943, as a separate foundation. Chairman is stockbroker Jim Bain and director Gerard Henderson, a staff officer to both Kevin Newman when he was a member if the Fraser’s ministry and to John Howard. Henderson contributes to the IPA Review which he distributes to his members, publishes papers and monographs and six times a year the IPA Media Watch. Henderson, like Hyde, write for The Australian whose feature pages constitute the single major popular forum for right-wing views. He has regular televison and radio spots and is tending to add the media to his previous specialisation, industrial relations. He took on John Pilger on the Left over his bicentennial reporting and David Irving on the Far Right, over his revisionist history of World War II.
  • Centre for Independent Studies (Sydney): Founded in 1976 by Greg Lindsay who perceived an intellectual vacuum and set out to fill it well before the two IPAs revived themselves. CIS publishes papers, monographs and books and a bi-monthly magazine CIS Policy Report, edited by Michael James. Lindsay, a high school mathematics teacher who decided something had to be done, ran CIS part-time until 1979 and must be regarded as having taken a leading role in intellectual resurgence. As do the IPAs, CIS arranges seminars and brings out speakers.
  • The Adam Smith Club: Formed by Lindsay, with branches in Sydney and Melbourne, as a dinner club, the ASC has an attractive tie and give an annual award to leading figures in the Right’s intellectual resurgence.

Among the recipients have been Kelly, Lindsay himself — after he has withdrawn from an active role in the club — the late Sir Keith Campbell, of the Campbell report, Professor Lauchlan Chipman, journalist Peter Samuel and Professor Mike Porter.

  • The Centre of Policy Studies, Monash University Melbourne: Professor Porter’s think-tank and responsible for major work on income tax reform and for plans to set up a fee-paying completely private university, the Tasman University, with campuses in Melbourne and Auckland offering courses in business and economics.

Porter, with five other academics, has reviewed the earlier proposals for taxing and spending reform and in Spending and Taxing II: Taking Stock presents the case for a top personal and company tax rate of 30 percent, with corresponding greater responsibility on individuals to provide for their own education, housing, welfare and retirement.

Porter’s CPS, as a university body, received federal funds until the Hawke government cut them off.

  • HR Nicholls Society, Melbourne: A debating society which organises seminars on industrial relations once or twice a year. The driving spirits are Senator John Stone, the former head of Treasury, and Ray Evans of Western Mining.

The HRN Society has contributed heavily to changed public, political and government attitudes to restrictive industry practices.

  • The Right has its heroes outside the intellectual context of think-tanks, study groups and discussion societies. Notable is Ian McLachlan who has just stepped down as president of the National Farmers Federation.

McLachlan, aided by NFF industrial officer Paul Houlihan, took up the cause of the Mudginberri Abattoir in the Northern Territory and showed that certain industrial strategies could work. He used the law to beat a strike, an example that was followed in the Dollar Sweets strike in Melbourne. The strategy has been aided by the $15 million fighting fund which the NFF raised by popular subscription.

  • Other notable heroes are Hugh Morgan, of Western Mining, who backed the revival of the IPA in Melbourne, and former Peko Wallsend chief executive, Charles Copeman who took on the unions over restrictive work practices at Robe River and increased productivity by 35 percent.
  • The Right also has had its beneficiaries, among them the Hawke government. The Labor regime has been given directions in which to move at a time when it appeared overwhelmed by economic problems and whose significant initiatives over the past two years reflect Intellectual Right debate: fiscal restraint and budget surpluses and charging university students for their education.
(in order of appearance on Economics.org.au)
  1. Bert Kelly on his journalism
  2. Move for a body of Modest Members
  3. Modest Members Association
  4. Bert Kelly's Maiden Parliamentary Speech
  5. Government Intervention
  6. 1976 Monday Conference transcript featuring Bert Kelly
  7. Bert Kelly, Hayek and Mencken on the virtues of farmers
  8. Sound economics calls for quiet from government
  9. Petrol for Farmers
  10. Some Sacred Cows
  11. Experiences in Parliament
  12. Spending your Money
  13. Is Taxmania a politician fetish?
  14. How Bert Kelly repays a free feed
  15. Modest column #898
  16. Chicken-hearted feathered friends strange bedfellows on a feather bed?
  17. Who needs literary licence?
  18. A touch of Fred's anarchy
  19. Helping the farmers help themselves
  20. Standing on the shoulders of the downtrodden
  21. Supply and Demand
  22. Bert Kelly responds to claims he is arrogant and uncredentialed
  23. Politics: it's a very confusing business
  24. The best featherbeds run on rails
  25. Bert Kelly on Disaster Relief
  26. Bert Kelly Wants to Secede
  27. Blinded by their tears
  28. Anti-freedom pro-tobacco industry lobby harmed Australia
  29. Under Labor, is working hard foolish?
  30. An Idiot's Guide to Interventionism
  31. Is free healthcare worthless?
  32. Can government kiss it better?
  33. Bert Kelly Destroys the Side Benefits Argument for Government
  34. Bert Kelly gets his head around big-headed bird-brained politics
  35. First Modest Member (Bert Kelly) AFR Column
  36. Second Modest Member (Bert Kelly) AFR Column
  37. Third Modest Member (Bert Kelly) AFR Column
  38. Fourth Modest Member (Bert Kelly) AFR Column
  39. Fifth Modest Member (Bert Kelly) AFR Column
  40. Sixth Modest Member (Bert Kelly) AFR Column
  41. Bert Kelly on the 2011 Budget and Australia's Pathetic Journalists and Politicians
  42. Bert Kelly, Bastard or Simple Sod?
  43. Liberal Backbencher Hits Govt. Over Import Restrictions
  44. Bert Kelly feels a dam coming on at each election
  45. Bert Kelly Enters Parliament
  46. Why take in one another's washing?
  47. Bert Kelly breaks the law, disrespects government and enjoys it
  48. Gillard's galley-powered waterskiing
  49. State Premiers are always asking for more taxing powers
  50. Can price control really work?
  51. Should we put up with socialism?
  52. We're quick to get sick of socialism
  53. Time the protection racket ended
  54. Can't pull the wool over Farmer Fred
  55. People not Politics
  56. Bert Kelly admits he should have had less faith in politicians
  57. The inspirational incentivising Dear Leader Gough Whitlam
  58. Labor: a girl who couldn't say no
  59. Why leading businessmen carry black briefcases
  60. Ludwig von Mises on page 3 of AFR
  61. Bert Kelly's empowering feminism
  62. Mavis wants the Modest Member to dedicate his book to her
  63. What if the whole country is swindled?
  64. Moss Cass: "Flood plains are for floods"
  65. A worm's eye view
  66. Eccles returns to haunt us
  67. How to grip a politician's ear
  68. It's hard to digest this economic cake
  69. Time to Butcher "Aussie Beef"
  70. Cold water on government-instigated irrigation schemes
  71. Hooray for Ord River Dam!
  72. Tariffs paid by exporters
  73. The problem of principles v popularity
  74. If you support State Quotas, where will your logic take you?
  75. Against guidance by government
  76. A socialist in Liberal clothing
  77. Never ask the government to help
  78. Don't listen to economists!
  79. Bert Kelly's revolutionary strategy
  80. Whitlam's July 1973 25% tariff cut
  81. Bert Kelly on Import Quotas
  82. Good directions when government backseat driving, like reversing down wrong side of road
  83. Barriers to imports are barriers to exports
  84. Bert Kelly reviews The War Diaries of Weary Dunlop
  85. Bert Kelly reviews We Were There
  86. Tariffs get the fork-tongue treatment
  87. Bert Kelly reduces government to its absurdities
  88. Politician sacrifices his ... honesty
  89. It's all a matter of principle
  90. Bert Kelly Destroys the Infant Industry Argument
  91. Bert Kelly Untangles Tariff Torment
  92. Bert Kelly resorts to prayer
  93. Eccles keeps our nose hard down on the tariff grindstone
  94. "Don't you believe in protecting us against imports from cheap labour countries?"
  95. Even if lucky, we needn't be stupid
  96. Great "freedom of choice" mystery
  97. Small government's growth problem
  98. I like my kind acts to get a mention in the press
  99. A Modest Member rakes the embers
  100. Tariffs Introduced
  101. More About Tariffs
  102. Sacred cow kicker into print
  103. Bert Kelly's 1984 two-article quote-collection on Aboriginal policies
  104. Modest Member must not give up
  105. Traditional Wheat Farming is Our Birthright and Heritage and Must be Protected!
  106. Tariff-cut nonsense lives on
  107. Bert Kelly brilliantly defends "theoretical academics"
  108. The high cost of protection
  109. Generosity creates problems
  110. The Society of Modest Members
  111. John Hyde's illogical, soft, complicated, unfocussed and unsuccessful attempt to communicate why he defends markets
  112. Modesty ablaze
  113. Case for ministers staying home
  114. The unusual self-evident simplicity of the Modest Members Society
  115. Animal lib the new scourge of the bush
  116. The Association for the Prevention of Cruelty to Krill
  117. modest members society
  118. Repeal economic laws, force people to buy new cars and enforce tariffs against overseas tennis players
  119. Thoughts on how to kill dinosaurs
  120. Let's try the chill winds
  121. Taking the Right's road
  122. Bert Kelly: "I did not try often or hard enough"
  123. Bert Kelly "lacked ... guts and wisdom"
  124. A look at life without tariffs
  125. The Gospel according to Bert
  126. Tiny note on Bert Kelly's column in The Bulletin in 1985
  127. Why costs can't be guaranteed
  128. Hitting out with a halo
  129. Paying farmers not to grow crops will save on subsidies, revenge tariffs, etc
  130. "The Modest Farmer joins us" | "How The Modest Farmer came to be"
  131. Bert Kelly Destroys the Freeloading Justifies Government Argument
  132. Industrial Relations Club shovellers
  133. From Shann to Stone
  134. Government Intervention
    vs
    Government Interference
  135. A sojourn in the real world
  136. The tariff wind swings
  137. Bigger Cake = Bigger Slices
  138. Bert Kelly on the Political Process
  139. A charabanc called protection
  140. Taken for a ride - to nowhere
  141. Down hill, in circles, all the way
  142. Relationships with the Liberal Party
  143. Tariffs = High Prices + World War
  144. Bert Kelly's Family History
  145. Bert Kelly's Pre-Parliament Life
  146. What the MP could say to the Bishop
  147. Why Bert Kelly was not even more publicly outspoken
  148. WEATHER IS USUALLY UNUSUAL
  149. How to stand aside when it's time to be counted
  150. How the Modest Member went back to being a Modest Farmer
  151. My pearls of wisdom were dull beyond belief
  152. Bert Kelly on Political Football
  153. Undigested morsels in Fraser spew
  154. Bert Kelly on LSD
  155. Bert Kelly reflects on the Australian car industry in 1992
  156. Bert Kelly wants reprinted Shann's Economic History of Australia
  157. If tariffs are opposed here then why not there?
  158. The emperor has no textiles, clothing and footwear sense
  159. Ross Gittins Wins Bert Kelly Award
  160. Interesting 1964 Bert Kelly speech: he says he is not a free trader and that he supports protection!
  161. This is the wall the Right built
  162. Tariff Protection in Australia (1970)
  163. Has Santa socked it to car makers?
  164. Is the Budget a cargo cult?
  165. Will we end up subsidising one another?
  166. Keeping the bucket of worms alive
  167. Can we get off the stomach-churning head-spinning tariff merry-go-round?
  168. Do we want our money to fly?
  169. Can a bear be sure of a feed?
  170. How to impress your MP -
    ambush him
  171. The time for being nice to our MPs has gone ...
  172. Don't feel sorry for him -
    hang on to his ear
  173. Trade wars can easily end up on a battlefield
  174. Tariffs Create Unemployment
  175. Bert Kelly recommends Ayn Rand
  176. Bert Kelly on Alf Rattigan's Industry Assistance: The Inside Story
  177. Bert Kelly's Satirical Prophecy: Minister for Meteorology (tick) and High Protectionist Policies to Result in War Yet Again (?)
  178. Bert Kelly in 1972 on Foreign Ownership of Australian Farmland and Warren Truss, Barnaby Joyce and Bill Heffernan in 2012
  179. Bert Kelly baits Welfare State Tiger
  180. Why does Govt wear two faces?
  181. Parliament a place for pragmatists
  182. Of Sugar Wells and Think-Tanks
  183. Bert Kelly: "I must take some of the blame"
  184. Bert Kelly on dumping duties
  185. The Govt's helping hand often hurts
  186. Unbuckling the hobbles on the motor industry
  187. A Modest Farmer looks at the Problems of Structural Change
  188. Government Fails Spectacularly
  189. Know your proper place if you want the quiet life
  190. Bert Kelly on political speech writers
  191. Having your cake and eating it
  192. Perish the thawed!
  193. Hooray for Northern Development!
  194. The silly image of our MPs
  195. Bert Kelly Question Time highlights
  196. Modest Farmer sees his ideas take hold
  197. Should facts stand in the way of a good story?
  198. Fondling one another's glass haloes
  199. What is the sense in making the effort to look after yourself?
  200. Fred's Feeling: Counterpatriotic country contrarian
  201. Handouts for big boys only
  202. Mavis trying to buy a hand loom
  203. Bad news for bearers of bad news
  204. Is it time to get aboard the tariff band-waggon?
  205. Why farmers resent tariff protection for motor makers
  206. A sordid use of scare tactics
  207. Goods vs services
  208. Tariffs are hilariously counterproductive
  209. Bert Kelly on decentralisation
  210. Inflation breeds moral decay
  211. Who envies equality?
  212. Growth – malignant or benign?
  213. Government wiser than Magna Carta
  214. Bert Kelly on looking to politicians for moral leadership
  215. Max Newton: Maverick in Exile
  216. Whitlam & co on the Dismissal
  217. 25% Tariff Cut
  218. Bert Kelly on pensions
  219. Mr Clunies-Ross of the Cocos Islands should rule Australia
  220. They get the wind up when it changes
  221. Why the Big Green Lie survives
  222. Ross McLean in 1982: "Malcolm! Why don't we try good government? It might be popular."
  223. Bert Kelly on the importance of exchange rate movements
  224. Bert Kelly shows how to attack
  225. Bert Kelly vs Bert Kelly vs Bert Kelly
  226. Industrial relations dinosaur, Bruce, chews his cud
  227. Hooray for "firmly entrenched"!
  228. Respect your dinosaurs
  229. What if something is "deeply ingrained" yet harmful?
  230. A case for ministerial inertia
  231. Why politicians don't like the truth
  232. Our great open spaces
  233. Ominous dark clouds are gathering
  234. Better to be popular than right
  235. Crying in the wilderness
  236. Ivory tower needs thumping
  237. Bert Kelly asks, "How can you believe in free enterprise and government intervention at the same time?"
  238. Politicians get undeserved praise, why not undeserved blame too?
  239. Feet in a bucket of champagne
  240. Rural Problems
  241. Health cover needs a $30 excess clause
  242. Unholy state of taxation
  243. Boring economics worth a smile
  244. The Libido for the Miserable
  245. Agricultural Development and Tariffs
  246. Fred's too poor to have principles
  247. Eccles Law of the constant wage share
  248. "He whom the gods would destroy ..."
  249. Tariffs: when to wean infant BHP?
  250. Keep any government as far as possible from farming
  251. The Playford charade is out of date
  252. Bert Kelly: the odd man out who's now in
  253. Dries must resist giving up struggle as going gets tough
  254. How a well meaning Government can be so stupid
  255. The icing on the economic cake
  256. Sir Roderick Carnegie's foreword to Bert Kelly's Economics Made Easy
  257. The Vale of Popularity and the Protection Procession
  258. Politics 101: Pay Lip Service to Capitalism and Shoot the Messenger
  259. Bert Kelly makes politicians eat their own words on tariffs, then says, "We cannot be blamed for treating the statements of our statesmen with cynical contempt"
  260. Bert Kelly on Free Enterprise
  261. Cartoons of protected industry, the welfare teat and the nanny state
  262. Bert Kelly on the theory of constant shares and the Fabian Society
  263. Bert Kelly vs Doug Anthony
  264. You're lucky if you escape being helped by government
  265. Bert Kelly on Small Farmers
  266. Bert Kelly on Apathy
  267. Bert Kelly in 1967 on "problems of government and things like that"
  268. The last "Dave's Diary"
  269. Bert Kelly vs The Australian on tariffs in 1977
  270. Bounties or Tariffs, Someone Pays
  271. Geriatric companies without a minder
  272. A free marketeer wary of free trade
  273. Nixon's puzzling profession of faith
  274. "Ford ... seems to spend more time bending its knees than its back"
  275. Clyde Cameron's weak ways with wise words
  276. Why flaunt what others flout?
  277. Bert Kelly yearns for Tim Flannery's powers of prediction
  278. Looking after yourself is silly
  279. Bert Kelly masterpiece on drought, fire, flood and other natural disaster relief schemes
  280. Government can take credit for our car industry mess
  281. Car makers want the 4wd driven deeper into tariff bog
  282. Why our MP is no longer prone to a good sob story
  283. Auto industry is in a straitjacket
  284. Bert Kelly on market predictions
  285. Why should dryland farmers subsidise irrigation farmers?
  286. How much should government decrease incentive for independence from government?
  287. Clarkson crowned Deputy Government Whip
  288. Bert Kelly to blame for soaring government healthcare costs
  289. 1959 return of Dave's Diary
  290. Bert Kelly in 1966 on developing northern Australia
  291. Successful government intervention can [sic] occur
  292. Vernon Report upholds Clarkson
  293. Quiet Man Makes An Impact
  294. Should it be compulsory to buy footwear and clothing?
  295. To save Australian clothing industry women must all wear same uniform
  296. Don't confuse plucking heart strings with plucking harp strings
  297. Speech only for public
  298. Catchy Tariff Circus Extravaganza
  299. Bert Kelly in 1985 on cars yet again
  300. Hurrah for the Gang of Five
  301. Thoughts on a verse about Balfour
  302. Bert Kelly pep talk to politicians
  303. Government intervention = Agony postponed but death brought nearer
  304. Recipe for disaster: Freeze!
  305. Recipe for government intervention: Gather winners and scatter losers
  306. Recipe for industry destruction: Blanket market signals
  307. Mavis writes!
  308. Bert Kelly's empiricism is not kneejerk reaction kind
  309. The $2,000 song of the shirt worker
  310. Subsiding only small farmers means subsiding the big banks
  311. Difficult to be fast on your feet when you've got your ear to the ground
  312. It would surprise people to see how sensible MPs behave if they think they are not being watched
  313. Bert Kelly on "this land of limitless resources" and "great open spaces"
  314. Growing bananas at the South Pole
  315. Car components tariff protection under fire
  316. Why carry a $300m car subsidy?
  317. Tariff feather beds for the foreign giants
  318. Bert Kelly says end compulsory voting to stop donkey vote
  319. Perhaps being smart and insured isn't all luck
  320. You gets your tariff, you pays a price
  321. More funds to train Olympians?
  322. Fire in their guts and wind in ours
  323. Should free universal healthcare include pets?
  324. Sound advice from a modest farmer
  325. A tottering monument to intervention
  326. Cunning meets wisdom
  327. Competition, Aussie-style: Who's the bigger parasite?
  328. Australians are proud patriotic parasites, says Bert Kelly
  329. Taxpayer-funded sport is cheating
  330. Being loved by all is not always a good thing
  331. Welfare State Destroys Society
  332. 1980 Bert Kelly feather bed series
  333. The White Mice Marketing Board
  334. Government intervention and advice can be harmful, even when right, even for those it tries to help
  335. One small step on the compulsory voting landmine
  336. The free & compulsory education sacred cows have no clothes
  337. Holding a loaded wallet to an economist's head
  338. Political No Man's Land
  339. Only blind greed demands both equality and prosperity
  340. A cow that sucks itself — that's us!
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